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ATLANTA (AP) — Jimmy Carter, the peanut farmer who won the presidency in the wake of the Watergate scandal and Vietnam War, endured humbling defeat after one tumultuous term and then redefined life after the White House as a global humanitarian, has died. He was 100 years old. The longest-lived American president died on Sunday, more than a year after entering hospice care , at his home in the small town of Plains, Georgia, where he and his wife, Rosalynn, who died at 96 in November 2023 , spent most of their lives, The Carter Center said. “Our founder, former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, passed away this afternoon in Plains, Georgia,” the center said in posting about his death on the social media platform X. It added in a statement that he died peacefully, surrounded by his family. As reaction poured in from around the world, President Joe Biden mourned Carter’s death, saying the world lost an “extraordinary leader, statesman and humanitarian” and he lost a dear friend. Biden cited Carter’s compassion and moral clarity, his work to eradicate disease, forge peace, advance civil and human rights, promote free and fair elections, house the homeless and advocacy for the disadvantaged as an example for others. “To all of the young people in this nation and for anyone in search of what it means to live a life of purpose and meaning – the good life – study Jimmy Carter, a man of principle, faith, and humility,” Biden said in a statement. “He showed that we are a great nation because we are a good people – decent and honorable, courageous and compassionate, humble and strong.” Biden said he is ordering a state funeral for Carter in Washington. Businessman, Navy officer, evangelist, politician, negotiator, author, woodworker, citizen of the world — Carter forged a path that still challenges political assumptions and stands out among the 45 men who reached the nation’s highest office. The 39th president leveraged his ambition with a keen intellect, deep religious faith and prodigious work ethic, conducting diplomatic missions into his 80s and building houses for the poor well into his 90s. “My faith demands — this is not optional — my faith demands that I do whatever I can, wherever I am, whenever I can, for as long as I can, with whatever I have to try to make a difference,” Carter once said. A moderate Democrat, Carter entered the 1976 presidential race as a little-known Georgia governor with a broad smile, outspoken Baptist mores and technocratic plans reflecting his education as an engineer. His no-frills campaign depended on public financing, and his promise not to deceive the American people resonated after Richard Nixon’s disgrace and U.S. defeat in southeast Asia. “If I ever lie to you, if I ever make a misleading statement, don’t vote for me. I would not deserve to be your president,” Carter repeated before narrowly beating Republican incumbent Gerald Ford, who had lost popularity pardoning Nixon. Carter governed amid Cold War pressures, turbulent oil markets and social upheaval over racism, women’s rights and America’s global role. His most acclaimed achievement in office was a Mideast peace deal that he brokered by keeping Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin at the bargaining table for 13 days in 1978. That Camp David experience inspired the post-presidential center where Carter would establish so much of his legacy. Yet Carter’s electoral coalition splintered under double-digit inflation, gasoline lines and the 444-day hostage crisis in Iran. His bleakest hour came when eight Americans died in a failed hostage rescue in April 1980, helping to ensure his landslide defeat to Republican Ronald Reagan. Carter acknowledged in his 2020 “White House Diary” that he could be “micromanaging” and “excessively autocratic,” complicating dealings with Congress and the federal bureaucracy. He also turned a cold shoulder to Washington’s news media and lobbyists, not fully appreciating their influence on his political fortunes. “It didn’t take us long to realize that the underestimation existed, but by that time we were not able to repair the mistake,” Carter told historians in 1982, suggesting that he had “an inherent incompatibility” with Washington insiders. Carter insisted his overall approach was sound and that he achieved his primary objectives — to “protect our nation’s security and interests peacefully” and “enhance human rights here and abroad” — even if he fell spectacularly short of a second term. Ignominious defeat, though, allowed for renewal. The Carters founded The Carter Center in 1982 as a first-of-its-kind base of operations, asserting themselves as international peacemakers and champions of democracy, public health and human rights. “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia,” Carter wrote in a memoir published after his 90th birthday. “I wanted a place where we could work.” That work included easing nuclear tensions in North and South Korea, helping to avert a U.S. invasion of Haiti and negotiating cease-fires in Bosnia and Sudan. By 2022, The Carter Center had declared at least 113 elections in Latin America, Asia and Africa to be free or fraudulent. Recently, the center began monitoring U.S. elections as well. Carter’s stubborn self-assuredness and even self-righteousness proved effective once he was unencumbered by the Washington order, sometimes to the point of frustrating his successors . He went “where others are not treading,” he said, to places like Ethiopia, Liberia and North Korea, where he secured the release of an American who had wandered across the border in 2010. “I can say what I like. I can meet whom I want. I can take on projects that please me and reject the ones that don’t,” Carter said. He announced an arms-reduction-for-aid deal with North Korea without clearing the details with Bill Clinton’s White House. He openly criticized President George W. Bush for the 2003 invasion of Iraq. He also criticized America’s approach to Israel with his 2006 book “Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid.” And he repeatedly countered U.S. administrations by insisting North Korea should be included in international affairs, a position that most aligned Carter with Republican President Donald Trump. Among the center’s many public health initiatives, Carter vowed to eradicate the guinea worm parasite during his lifetime, and nearly achieved it: Cases dropped from millions in the 1980s to nearly a handful. With hardhats and hammers, the Carters also built homes with Habitat for Humanity. The Nobel committee’s 2002 Peace Prize cites his “untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” Carter should have won it alongside Sadat and Begin in 1978, the chairman added. Carter accepted the recognition saying there was more work to be done. “The world is now, in many ways, a more dangerous place,” he said. “The greater ease of travel and communication has not been matched by equal understanding and mutual respect.” Carter’s globetrotting took him to remote villages where he met little “Jimmy Carters,” so named by admiring parents. But he spent most of his days in the same one-story Plains house — expanded and guarded by Secret Service agents — where they lived before he became governor. He regularly taught Sunday School lessons at Maranatha Baptist Church until his mobility declined and the coronavirus pandemic raged. Those sessions drew visitors from around the world to the small sanctuary where Carter will receive his final send-off after a state funeral at Washington’s National Cathedral. The common assessment that he was a better ex-president than president rankled Carter and his allies. His prolific post-presidency gave him a brand above politics, particularly for Americans too young to witness him in office. But Carter also lived long enough to see biographers and historians reassess his White House years more generously. His record includes the deregulation of key industries, reduction of U.S. dependence on foreign oil, cautious management of the national debt and notable legislation on the environment, education and mental health. He focused on human rights in foreign policy, pressuring dictators to release thousands of political prisoners . He acknowledged America’s historical imperialism, pardoned Vietnam War draft evaders and relinquished control of the Panama Canal. He normalized relations with China. “I am not nominating Jimmy Carter for a place on Mount Rushmore,” Stuart Eizenstat, Carter’s domestic policy director, wrote in a 2018 book. “He was not a great president” but also not the “hapless and weak” caricature voters rejected in 1980, Eizenstat said. Rather, Carter was “good and productive” and “delivered results, many of which were realized only after he left office.” Madeleine Albright, a national security staffer for Carter and Clinton’s secretary of state, wrote in Eizenstat’s forward that Carter was “consequential and successful” and expressed hope that “perceptions will continue to evolve” about his presidency. “Our country was lucky to have him as our leader,” said Albright, who died in 2022. Jonathan Alter, who penned a comprehensive Carter biography published in 2020, said in an interview that Carter should be remembered for “an epic American life” spanning from a humble start in a home with no electricity or indoor plumbing through decades on the world stage across two centuries. “He will likely go down as one of the most misunderstood and underestimated figures in American history,” Alter told The Associated Press. James Earl Carter Jr. was born Oct. 1, 1924, in Plains and spent his early years in nearby Archery. His family was a minority in the mostly Black community, decades before the civil rights movement played out at the dawn of Carter’s political career. Carter, who campaigned as a moderate on race relations but governed more progressively, talked often of the influence of his Black caregivers and playmates but also noted his advantages: His land-owning father sat atop Archery’s tenant-farming system and owned a main street grocery. His mother, Lillian , would become a staple of his political campaigns. Seeking to broaden his world beyond Plains and its population of fewer than 1,000 — then and now — Carter won an appointment to the U.S. Naval Academy, graduating in 1946. That same year he married Rosalynn Smith, another Plains native, a decision he considered more important than any he made as head of state. She shared his desire to see the world, sacrificing college to support his Navy career. Carter climbed in rank to lieutenant, but then his father was diagnosed with cancer, so the submarine officer set aside his ambitions of admiralty and moved the family back to Plains. His decision angered Rosalynn, even as she dived into the peanut business alongside her husband. Carter again failed to talk with his wife before his first run for office — he later called it “inconceivable” not to have consulted her on such major life decisions — but this time, she was on board. “My wife is much more political,” Carter told the AP in 2021. He won a state Senate seat in 1962 but wasn’t long for the General Assembly and its back-slapping, deal-cutting ways. He ran for governor in 1966 — losing to arch-segregationist Lester Maddox — and then immediately focused on the next campaign. Carter had spoken out against church segregation as a Baptist deacon and opposed racist “Dixiecrats” as a state senator. Yet as a local school board leader in the 1950s he had not pushed to end school segregation even after the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board of Education decision, despite his private support for integration. And in 1970, Carter ran for governor again as the more conservative Democrat against Carl Sanders, a wealthy businessman Carter mocked as “Cufflinks Carl.” Sanders never forgave him for anonymous, race-baiting flyers, which Carter disavowed. Ultimately, Carter won his races by attracting both Black voters and culturally conservative whites. Once in office, he was more direct. “I say to you quite frankly that the time for racial discrimination is over,” he declared in his 1971 inaugural address, setting a new standard for Southern governors that landed him on the cover of Time magazine. His statehouse initiatives included environmental protection, boosting rural education and overhauling antiquated executive branch structures. He proclaimed Martin Luther King Jr. Day in the slain civil rights leader’s home state. And he decided, as he received presidential candidates in 1972, that they were no more talented than he was. In 1974, he ran Democrats’ national campaign arm. Then he declared his own candidacy for 1976. An Atlanta newspaper responded with the headline: “Jimmy Who?” The Carters and a “Peanut Brigade” of family members and Georgia supporters camped out in Iowa and New Hampshire, establishing both states as presidential proving grounds. His first Senate endorsement: a young first-termer from Delaware named Joe Biden. Yet it was Carter’s ability to navigate America’s complex racial and rural politics that cemented the nomination. He swept the Deep South that November, the last Democrat to do so, as many white Southerners shifted to Republicans in response to civil rights initiatives. A self-declared “born-again Christian,” Carter drew snickers by referring to Scripture in a Playboy magazine interview, saying he “had looked on many women with lust. I’ve committed adultery in my heart many times.” The remarks gave Ford a new foothold and television comedians pounced — including NBC’s new “Saturday Night Live” show. But voters weary of cynicism in politics found it endearing. Carter chose Minnesota Sen. Walter “Fritz” Mondale as his running mate on a “Grits and Fritz” ticket. In office, he elevated the vice presidency and the first lady’s office. Mondale’s governing partnership was a model for influential successors Al Gore, Dick Cheney and Biden. Rosalynn Carter was one of the most involved presidential spouses in history, welcomed into Cabinet meetings and huddles with lawmakers and top aides. The Carters presided with uncommon informality: He used his nickname “Jimmy” even when taking the oath of office, carried his own luggage and tried to silence the Marine Band’s “Hail to the Chief.” They bought their clothes off the rack. Carter wore a cardigan for a White House address, urging Americans to conserve energy by turning down their thermostats. Amy, the youngest of four children, attended District of Columbia public school. Washington’s social and media elite scorned their style. But the larger concern was that “he hated politics,” according to Eizenstat, leaving him nowhere to turn politically once economic turmoil and foreign policy challenges took their toll. Carter partially deregulated the airline, railroad and trucking industries and established the departments of Education and Energy, and the Federal Emergency Management Agency. He designated millions of acres of Alaska as national parks or wildlife refuges. He appointed a then-record number of women and nonwhite people to federal posts. He never had a Supreme Court nomination, but he elevated civil rights attorney Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the nation’s second highest court, positioning her for a promotion in 1993. He appointed Paul Volker, the Federal Reserve chairman whose policies would help the economy boom in the 1980s — after Carter left office. He built on Nixon’s opening with China, and though he tolerated autocrats in Asia, pushed Latin America from dictatorships to democracy. But he couldn’t immediately tame inflation or the related energy crisis. And then came Iran. After he admitted the exiled Shah of Iran to the U.S. for medical treatment, the American Embassy in Tehran was overrun in 1979 by followers of the Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Negotiations to free the hostages broke down repeatedly ahead of the failed rescue attempt. The same year, Carter signed SALT II, the new strategic arms treaty with Leonid Brezhnev of the Soviet Union, only to pull it back, impose trade sanctions and order a U.S. boycott of the Moscow Olympics after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan. Hoping to instill optimism, he delivered what the media dubbed his “malaise” speech, although he didn’t use that word. He declared the nation was suffering “a crisis of confidence.” By then, many Americans had lost confidence in the president, not themselves. Carter campaigned sparingly for reelection because of the hostage crisis, instead sending Rosalynn as Sen. Edward M. Kennedy challenged him for the Democratic nomination. Carter famously said he’d “kick his ass,” but was hobbled by Kennedy as Reagan rallied a broad coalition with “make America great again” appeals and asking voters whether they were “better off than you were four years ago.” Reagan further capitalized on Carter’s lecturing tone, eviscerating him in their lone fall debate with the quip: “There you go again.” Carter lost all but six states and Republicans rolled to a new Senate majority. Carter successfully negotiated the hostages’ freedom after the election, but in one final, bitter turn of events, Tehran waited until hours after Carter left office to let them walk free. At 56, Carter returned to Georgia with “no idea what I would do with the rest of my life.” Four decades after launching The Carter Center, he still talked of unfinished business. “I thought when we got into politics we would have resolved everything,” Carter told the AP in 2021. “But it’s turned out to be much more long-lasting and insidious than I had thought it was. I think in general, the world itself is much more divided than in previous years.” Still, he affirmed what he said when he underwent treatment for a cancer diagnosis in his 10th decade of life. “I’m perfectly at ease with whatever comes,” he said in 2015 . “I’ve had a wonderful life. I’ve had thousands of friends, I’ve had an exciting, adventurous and gratifying existence.” Sanz is a former Associated Press reporter.Pro Football Hall of Famer Randy Moss reveals cancer diagnosis, 6-hour surgery Pro Football Hall of Fame wide receiver Randy Moss said Friday he is being treated for cancer and is recovering from major surgery. Zach Allen, The Associated Press Dec 13, 2024 3:33 PM Share by Email Share on Facebook Share on X Share on LinkedIn Print Share via Text Message FILE Broadcaster Randy Moss sits on the sideline before an NFL football game between the San Francisco 49ers and the Los Angeles Rams, Monday, Nov. 15, 2021, in Santa Clara, Calif. (AP Photo/Scot Tucker, File) Pro Football Hall of Fame wide receiver Randy Moss said Friday he is being treated for cancer and is recovering from major surgery. In an appearance on Instagram Live , Moss, aided by a cane, introduced himself as a cancer survivor and thanked his “prayer warriors” for their support. Moss said a cancerous mass was found in his bile duct, between his pancreas and liver. He said he had surgery to put a stent in his liver on Thanksgiving and then underwent a 6-hour procedure about a week ago to remove the cancer. He said he was hospitalized for six days and released on Friday. The surgery was a Whipple procedure, Moss said. The operation involves removing the head of the pancreas, part of the small intestine, the gallbladder and the bile duct, according to the Mayo Clinic . “I didn't think I would ever be in a position like this, as healthy as I thought I was,” Moss said. Moss said he will undergo radiation and chemotherapy. “All the prayers, the well wishes, I really felt that, my family felt that,” Moss said, wearing a hoodie with the words “Team Moss.” Moss stepped away from his role as an analyst on ESPN's “Sunday NFL Countdown” on Dec. 6. “As soon as I get healthy to get back out with guys, I will be on set. ... Hopefully I can be with you guys soon,” Moss said. “My goal is to get back on television with my team.” Moss wore a gray hoodie with the words “Team Moss” and asked for donations on his website, saying the money would go primarily toward cancer research. The 47-year-old Moss was inducted into the Hall of Fame in 2018 after playing 14 seasons with the Minnesota Vikings (1998-2004, 2010), Oakland Raiders (2005-06), New England Patriots (2007-10), Tennessee Titans (2010) and San Francisco 49ers (2012). Moss is second in NFL history with 156 touchdown catches and had an NFL-record 23 TD receptions in 2007 for the Patriots. ___ This story has been corrected. A previous version reported erroneously that the cancer was outside Moss' bowel duct. ___ AP NFL: https://apnews.com/hub/nfl Zach Allen, The Associated Press See a typo/mistake? Have a story/tip? This has been shared 0 times 0 Shares Share by Email Share on Facebook Share on X Share on LinkedIn Print Share via Text Message Get your daily Victoria news briefing Email Sign Up More Football (NFL) De'Vondre Campbell's mid-game quitting overshadowed the 49ers' offensive woes Dec 13, 2024 3:40 PM Baker Mayfield, high-flying Bucs visit Chargers in matchup of teams with winning records Dec 13, 2024 3:16 PM Herbert looks to maintain interception-free streak when Chargers host Buccaneers Dec 13, 2024 3:10 PMSabres get power-play goals from Zucker and Thompson in 4-2 win over the Bluesssbet777

Jimmy Carter: Many evolutions for a centenarian ‘citizen of the world’Companies tighten security after a health care CEO’s killing leads to a surge of threatsAlpha Modus Plans to Close Business Combination With Insight Acquisition Corp. Today and ...

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PLAINS, Ga. (AP) — Newly married and sworn as a Naval officer, Jimmy Carter left his tiny hometown in 1946 hoping to climb the ranks and see the world. Less than a decade later, the death of his father and namesake, a merchant farmer and local politician who went by “Mr. Earl,” prompted the submariner and his wife, Rosalynn, to return to the rural life of Plains, Georgia, they thought they’d escaped. The lieutenant never would be an admiral. Instead, he became commander in chief. Years after his presidency ended in humbling defeat, he would add a Nobel Peace Prize, awarded not for his White House accomplishments but “for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development.” The life of James Earl Carter Jr., the 39th and longest-lived U.S. president, ended Sunday at the age of 100 where it began: Plains, the town of 600 that fueled his political rise, welcomed him after his fall and sustained him during 40 years of service that redefined what it means to be a former president. With the stubborn confidence of an engineer and an optimism rooted in his Baptist faith, Carter described his motivations in politics and beyond in the same way: an almost missionary zeal to solve problems and improve lives. Carter was raised amid racism, abject poverty and hard rural living — realities that shaped both his deliberate politics and emphasis on human rights. “He always felt a responsibility to help people,” said Jill Stuckey, a longtime friend of Carter's in Plains. “And when he couldn’t make change wherever he was, he decided he had to go higher.” Carter's path, a mix of happenstance and calculation , pitted moral imperatives against political pragmatism; and it defied typical labels of American politics, especially caricatures of one-term presidents as failures. “We shouldn’t judge presidents by how popular they are in their day. That's a very narrow way of assessing them," Carter biographer Jonathan Alter told the Associated Press. “We should judge them by how they changed the country and the world for the better. On that score, Jimmy Carter is not in the first rank of American presidents, but he stands up quite well.” Later in life, Carter conceded that many Americans, even those too young to remember his tenure, judged him ineffective for failing to contain inflation or interest rates, end the energy crisis or quickly bring home American hostages in Iran. He gained admirers instead for his work at The Carter Center — advocating globally for public health, human rights and democracy since 1982 — and the decades he and Rosalynn wore hardhats and swung hammers with Habitat for Humanity. Yet the common view that he was better after the Oval Office than in it annoyed Carter, and his allies relished him living long enough to see historians reassess his presidency. “He doesn’t quite fit in today’s terms” of a left-right, red-blue scoreboard, said U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg, who visited the former president multiple times during his own White House bid. At various points in his political career, Carter labeled himself “progressive” or “conservative” — sometimes both at once. His most ambitious health care bill failed — perhaps one of his biggest legislative disappointments — because it didn’t go far enough to suit liberals. Republicans, especially after his 1980 defeat, cast him as a left-wing cartoon. It would be easiest to classify Carter as a centrist, Buttigieg said, “but there’s also something radical about the depth of his commitment to looking after those who are left out of society and out of the economy.” Indeed, Carter’s legacy is stitched with complexities, contradictions and evolutions — personal and political. The self-styled peacemaker was a war-trained Naval Academy graduate who promised Democratic challenger Ted Kennedy that he’d “kick his ass.” But he campaigned with a call to treat everyone with “respect and compassion and with love.” Carter vowed to restore America’s virtue after the shame of Vietnam and Watergate, and his technocratic, good-government approach didn't suit Republicans who tagged government itself as the problem. It also sometimes put Carter at odds with fellow Democrats. The result still was a notable legislative record, with wins on the environment, education, and mental health care. He dramatically expanded federally protected lands, began deregulating air travel, railroads and trucking, and he put human rights at the center of U.S. foreign policy. As a fiscal hawk, Carter added a relative pittance to the national debt, unlike successors from both parties. Carter nonetheless struggled to make his achievements resonate with the electorate he charmed in 1976. Quoting Bob Dylan and grinning enthusiastically, he had promised voters he would “never tell a lie.” Once in Washington, though, he led like a joyless engineer, insisting his ideas would become reality and he'd be rewarded politically if only he could convince enough people with facts and logic. This served him well at Camp David, where he brokered peace between Israel’s Menachem Begin and Epypt’s Anwar Sadat, an experience that later sparked the idea of The Carter Center in Atlanta. Carter's tenacity helped the center grow to a global force that monitored elections across five continents, enabled his freelance diplomacy and sent public health experts across the developing world. The center’s wins were personal for Carter, who hoped to outlive the last Guinea worm parasite, and nearly did. As president, though, the approach fell short when he urged consumers beleaguered by energy costs to turn down their thermostats. Or when he tried to be the nation’s cheerleader, beseeching Americans to overcome a collective “crisis of confidence.” Republican Ronald Reagan exploited Carter's lecturing tone with a belittling quip in their lone 1980 debate. “There you go again,” the former Hollywood actor said in response to a wonky answer from the sitting president. “The Great Communicator” outpaced Carter in all but six states. Carter later suggested he “tried to do too much, too soon” and mused that he was incompatible with Washington culture: media figures, lobbyists and Georgetown social elites who looked down on the Georgians and their inner circle as “country come to town.” Carter carefully navigated divides on race and class on his way to the Oval Office. Born Oct. 1, 1924 , Carter was raised in the mostly Black community of Archery, just outside Plains, by a progressive mother and white supremacist father. Their home had no running water or electricity but the future president still grew up with the relative advantages of a locally prominent, land-owning family in a system of Jim Crow segregation. He wrote of President Franklin Roosevelt’s towering presence and his family’s Democratic Party roots, but his father soured on FDR, and Jimmy Carter never campaigned or governed as a New Deal liberal. He offered himself as a small-town peanut farmer with an understated style, carrying his own luggage, bunking with supporters during his first presidential campaign and always using his nickname. And he began his political career in a whites-only Democratic Party. As private citizens, he and Rosalynn supported integration as early as the 1950s and believed it inevitable. Carter refused to join the White Citizens Council in Plains and spoke out in his Baptist church against denying Black people access to worship services. “This is not my house; this is not your house,” he said in a churchwide meeting, reminding fellow parishioners their sanctuary belonged to God. Yet as the appointed chairman of Sumter County schools he never pushed to desegregate, thinking it impractical after the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board decision. And while presidential candidate Carter would hail the 1965 Voting Rights Act, signed by fellow Democrat Lyndon Johnson when Carter was a state senator, there is no record of Carter publicly supporting it at the time. Carter overcame a ballot-stuffing opponent to win his legislative seat, then lost the 1966 governor's race to an arch-segregationist. He won four years later by avoiding explicit mentions of race and campaigning to the right of his rival, who he mocked as “Cufflinks Carl” — the insult of an ascendant politician who never saw himself as part the establishment. Carter’s rural and small-town coalition in 1970 would match any victorious Republican electoral map in 2024. Once elected, though, Carter shocked his white conservative supporters — and landed on the cover of Time magazine — by declaring that “the time for racial discrimination is over.” Before making the jump to Washington, Carter befriended the family of slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King Jr., whom he’d never sought out as he eyed the governor’s office. Carter lamented his foot-dragging on school integration as a “mistake.” But he also met, conspicuously, with Alabama's segregationist Gov. George Wallace to accept his primary rival's endorsement ahead of the 1976 Democratic convention. “He very shrewdly took advantage of his own Southerness,” said Amber Roessner, a University of Tennessee professor and expert on Carter’s campaigns. A coalition of Black voters and white moderate Democrats ultimately made Carter the last Democratic presidential nominee to sweep the Deep South. Then, just as he did in Georgia, he used his power in office to appoint more non-whites than all his predecessors had, combined. He once acknowledged “the secret shame” of white Americans who didn’t fight segregation. But he also told Alter that doing more would have sacrificed his political viability – and thus everything he accomplished in office and after. King's daughter, Bernice King, described Carter as wisely “strategic” in winning higher offices to enact change. “He was a leader of conscience,” she said in an interview. Rosalynn Carter, who died on Nov. 19 at the age of 96, was identified by both husband and wife as the “more political” of the pair; she sat in on Cabinet meetings and urged him to postpone certain priorities, like pressing the Senate to relinquish control of the Panama Canal. “Let that go until the second term,” she would sometimes say. The president, recalled her former aide Kathy Cade, retorted that he was “going to do what’s right” even if “it might cut short the time I have.” Rosalynn held firm, Cade said: “She’d remind him you have to win to govern.” Carter also was the first president to appoint multiple women as Cabinet officers. Yet by his own telling, his career sprouted from chauvinism in the Carters' early marriage: He did not consult Rosalynn when deciding to move back to Plains in 1953 or before launching his state Senate bid a decade later. Many years later, he called it “inconceivable” that he didn’t confer with the woman he described as his “full partner,” at home, in government and at The Carter Center. “We developed a partnership when we were working in the farm supply business, and it continued when Jimmy got involved in politics,” Rosalynn Carter told AP in 2021. So deep was their trust that when Carter remained tethered to the White House in 1980 as 52 Americans were held hostage in Tehran, it was Rosalynn who campaigned on her husband’s behalf. “I just loved it,” she said, despite the bitterness of defeat. Fair or not, the label of a disastrous presidency had leading Democrats keep their distance, at least publicly, for many years, but Carter managed to remain relevant, writing books and weighing in on societal challenges. He lamented widening wealth gaps and the influence of money in politics. He voted for democratic socialist Bernie Sanders over Hillary Clinton in 2016, and later declared that America had devolved from fully functioning democracy to “oligarchy.” Yet looking ahead to 2020, with Sanders running again, Carter warned Democrats not to “move to a very liberal program,” lest they help re-elect President Donald Trump. Carter scolded the Republican for his serial lies and threats to democracy, and chided the U.S. establishment for misunderstanding Trump’s populist appeal. He delighted in yearly convocations with Emory University freshmen, often asking them to guess how much he’d raised in his two general election campaigns. “Zero,” he’d gesture with a smile, explaining the public financing system candidates now avoid so they can raise billions. Carter still remained quite practical in partnering with wealthy corporations and foundations to advance Carter Center programs. Carter recognized that economic woes and the Iran crisis doomed his presidency, but offered no apologies for appointing Paul Volcker as the Federal Reserve chairman whose interest rate hikes would not curb inflation until Reagan's presidency. He was proud of getting all the hostages home without starting a shooting war, even though Tehran would not free them until Reagan's Inauguration Day. “Carter didn’t look at it” as a failure, Alter emphasized. “He said, ‘They came home safely.’ And that’s what he wanted.” Well into their 90s, the Carters greeted visitors at Plains’ Maranatha Baptist Church, where he taught Sunday School and where he will have his last funeral before being buried on family property alongside Rosalynn . Carter, who made the congregation’s collection plates in his woodworking shop, still garnered headlines there, calling for women’s rights within religious institutions, many of which, he said, “subjugate” women in church and society. Carter was not one to dwell on regrets. “I am at peace with the accomplishments, regret the unrealized goals and utilize my former political position to enhance everything we do,” he wrote around his 90th birthday. The politician who had supposedly hated Washington politics also enjoyed hosting Democratic presidential contenders as public pilgrimages to Plains became advantageous again. Carter sat with Buttigieg for the final time March 1, 2020, hours before the Indiana mayor ended his campaign and endorsed eventual winner Joe Biden. “He asked me how I thought the campaign was going,” Buttigieg said, recalling that Carter flashed his signature grin and nodded along as the young candidate, born a year after Carter left office, “put the best face” on the walloping he endured the day before in South Carolina. Never breaking his smile, the 95-year-old host fired back, “I think you ought to drop out.” “So matter of fact,” Buttigieg said with a laugh. “It was somehow encouraging.” Carter had lived enough, won plenty and lost enough to take the long view. “He talked a lot about coming from nowhere,” Buttigieg said, not just to attain the presidency but to leverage “all of the instruments you have in life” and “make the world more peaceful.” In his farewell address as president, Carter said as much to the country that had embraced and rejected him. “The struggle for human rights overrides all differences of color, nation or language,” he declared. “Those who hunger for freedom, who thirst for human dignity and who suffer for the sake of justice — they are the patriots of this cause.” Carter pledged to remain engaged with and for them as he returned “home to the South where I was born and raised,” home to Plains, where that young lieutenant had indeed become “a fellow citizen of the world.” —- Bill Barrow, based in Atlanta, has covered national politics including multiple presidential campaigns for the AP since 2012.The best last-minute New Year's Eve staycations: From cosy cabins to party pads

The National Anti-Doping Agency (NADA) on Tuesday handed a four-year suspension to Indian wrestler Bajrang Punia after he refused to provide a sample for a dope test during the national selection trials on March 10. Initially suspended by NADA on April 23, the Tokyo Games bronze medallist was also suspended by the World Wrestling Federation (UWW) in the light of the incident. The suspension bars Bajrang from returning to competitive wrestling for four years and may also impact his aspirations of applying for coaching jobs abroad. NADA clarified that the suspension period would begin from April 23, 2024, the date when the notification was sent. However, the period between May 31, 2024, and June 21, 2024, when the provisional suspension was lifted, will not be counted toward the total four-year ineligibility period. "The Panel holds that the Athlete is liable for sanctions under Article 10.3.1 and liable for ineligibility for a period of 4 years," the ADDP said in its order. Bajrang has maintained that he was unfairly treated due to his involvement in protests against former Wrestling Federation of India (WFI) President Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh. He argued that he had never outright refused to give his sample, but instead sought clarification from NADA on why expired doping kits had been used during a previous test in December 2023. The athlete-turned-politician had appealed against the provisional suspension, and on May 31, NADA's Anti-Disciplinary Doping Panel (ADDP) revoked it until the agency issued a formal notice of charge. On June 23, NADA served the notice to the wrestler. Bajrang, who joined Congress along with fellow wrestler Vinesh Phogat, contested the charges in a written submission on July 11. This led to hearings on September 20 and October 4. 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The agency also stated that Bajrang's refusal to provide the sample was "intentional and deliberate," adding that the wrestler had shown "utter disregard towards his duties and responsibilities as per Articles 20.1 & 20.2 of the Anti-Doping Rules , 2021." Bajrang, in his submission, explained that NADA's prior mishandling of doping control processes had created mistrust in his mind, particularly their failure to acknowledge issues such as the use of expired kits. He contended that, as a senior athlete, he was morally compelled to take a stand. "It was not an outright refusal per se. The athlete was always willing to provide his sample provided that he first received a response from NADA concerning the use of expired kits," the Congress youth leader said. Despite these defences, NADA has insisted that the wrestler's refusal was deliberate and had a significant impact on his standing in the anti-doping process. (With agency inputs) (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel )

LUQUE, Paraguay — Sake is perhaps more Japanese than the world-famous sushi. It's brewed in centuries-old mountaintop warehouses, savored in the country’s pub-like izakayas, poured during weddings and served slightly chilled for special toasts. The smooth rice wine that plays a crucial role in Japan's culinary traditions was enshrined on Wednesday by UNESCO on its list of the “intangible cultural heritage of humanity." At a meeting in Luque, Paraguay, members of UNESCO’s committee for safeguarding humanity's cultural heritage voted to recognize 45 cultural practices and products around the world, including Brazilian white cheese, Caribbean cassava bread and Palestinian olive oil soap. Unlike UNESCO’s World Heritage List, which includes sites considered important to humanity like the Pyramids of Giza in Egypt, the Intangible Cultural Heritage designation names products and practices of different cultures that are deserving of recognition. Japan's Takehiro Kano, ambassador to UNESCO, reacts after the traditional Japanese brewing of sake was officially named to UNESCO's "intangible cultural heritage of humanity" list during a World Heritage Convention in Asuncion, Paraguay on Wednesday. A Japanese delegation welcomed the announcement in Luque. “Sake is considered a divine gift and is essential for social and cultural events in Japan,” Kano Takehiro, the Japanese ambassador to UNESCO, told The Associated Press. The basic ingredients of sake are few: rice, water, yeast and koji, a rice mold that breaks down the starches into fermentable sugars like malting does in beer production. The whole two-month process of steaming, stirring, fermenting and pressing can be grueling. The rice — which wields tremendous marketing power as part of Japan's broader cultural identity — is key to the alcoholic brew. For a product to be categorized Japanese sake, the rice must be Japanese. Japanese sake, a nominee for UNESCO's "intangible cultural heritage of humanity" list, are displayed on Japan's delegation table, during a UNESCO World Heritage Convention in Asuncion, Paraguay, on Wednesday. The UNESCO recognition, the delegation said, captured more than the craft knowledge of making high-quality sake. It also honored a tradition dating back some 1,000 years — sake makes a cameo in Japan’s famous 11th century novel, “The Tale of Genji,” as the drink of choice in the refined Heian court. Now, officials hope to restore sake's image as Japan's premier alcoholic drink even as the younger drinkers in the country switch to imported wine or domestic beer and whiskey. Japanese breweries also expressed hope the listing could give a lift to the country's export economy as the popularity of sake booms around the world and in the United States amid heightened interest in Japanese cuisine. “I hope that this will also be an opportunity for Japanese people to take another look at sake, shochu and awamori, which are the essence of their culture," Hitoshi Utsunomiya, director of the trade group Japan Sake and Shochu Makers Association, said in Tokyo. "I would like them to try it even once and see what it tastes like,” he said. Sake exports, mostly to the U.S. and China, now rake in over $265 million a year, according to the association. Japan's Takehiro Kano, ambassador to UNESCO, reacts as the traditional Japanese brewing of sake was named to UNESCO's "intangible cultural heritage of humanity" list during a World Heritage Convention in Asuncion, Paraguay on Wednesday. Japan's delegation appeared ready to celebrate Wednesday — in classic Japanese style. After the announcement, Takehiro raised a cypress box full of sake to toast the alcoholic brew and cultural rite. “It means a lot to Japan and to the Japanese,” he said of the UNESCO designation. "This will help to renew interest in traditional sake elaboration.” In Tokyo, Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba said he was “delighted” by UNESCO's recognition of traditional sake-making techniques, and he congratulated those dedicated to preserving and promoting the tradition. The crisp autumn air ushers in more than just pumpkin spice latte season. Consider cozying up inside with friends for a wine tasting and sharing delicious food and drinks with more complex flavors than cinnamon and sugar. Perhaps once thought of as stuffy affairs only for wine connoisseurs, today a tasting can be as casual as pouring a few bottles while doing another activity—say, bar games like darts or art activities like painting. The tasting can also be more traditional, especially if held at a winery or local wine shop, which is a great way to learn about what wines you might like to later serve at home. To host the ultimate wine tasting, it pays to do some R&D. One of the best aspects of hosting a wine tasting at home is that you get to establish the mood, tone, and guest list for the gathering—you can't pick a playlist when you sample wines at a bar or wine shop or make the dress code loungewear. So whether the mood is serious or playful, sophisticated or laid-back, the key to a successful tasting is enjoying and appreciating the wine and having fun with friends and family. Of course, there are a few other things to figure out along the way. Peerspace put together a few tips for hosting your wine-tasting party. A tasting party is all about sampling different wines and evaluating and hopefully enjoying them—and there are a variety of ways to do that. Would you like to host a playful gathering where each guest brings a mystery bottle of wine within a certain price range—a BYOB affair? Or would it be better to have more control over which wines are featured by curating and supplying all the wines as a host? This decision sets the tone—a tasting where guests contribute wine can be a bit of a free-for-all, whereas one where you select wines you supply allows guests to sit back and simply enjoy. And you don't have to break the bank to buy excellent wines—there are lots of wine experts ready to share their affordable picks. How much folks know about wine differs—and that's a good thing. Tastings are group learning experiences. Expertise isn't necessary to host or attend a tasting, but it is helpful to think about what will keep guests comfortable and having fun. Decide whether the vibe will be relaxed and laid-back, like friends sipping wine fireside, or more upbeat and formal. Think about elements like the atmosphere and the location, and consider whether folks will be seated or standing. Will you have a spirited playlist (couldn't resist) or live music? Do you want an expert to introduce each wine, or will you be that expert? Consider how guests will share their thoughts on what they are tasting. Do you want to just talk about them or do something more organized, like take notes or give ratings? Then supply notebooks or notecards and pencils, with categories or questions established ahead of time—all of which can reflect your evening's tone as well. How many people to invite is a question largely informed by the answers to tip #1: Are you having a big, formal affair or an intimate catch-up with close friends? Or something in between? Whatever the case, an RSVP is essential because not only do you need to plan the setup of the space, but you must also make sure there's enough wine for everyone to taste, including each of the wines featured. There's nothing worse than a tasting that runs dry! The math to determine how much wine you need considers the size of the tasting pours—a full glass of wine at a restaurant is usually around 5 ounces, which yields around five glasses of wine from a standard bottle. For tastings, you'll want to do less, depending on how many wines you are featuring—say, 2 ounces if you'll be trying a lot of different wines. Experts agree, having more wine than you need is always a good idea—that way you can send guests home with a bottle should there be a prize at the end of the night. Don't let food be an afterthought for the festivities—after all, food can enhance particular qualities of wine and vice versa. There are many rules around what foods to pair with which wines, but consider this simple advice from Alder Yarrow's Vinography : "Stick with eating good food and drinking good wine." Since the focus is on the wines, allow the drinks to determine what food makes sense, but don't overthink it. Food is a supporting character here—at the very least, guests will need something to soak up all the alcohol (unless you are spitting it out). Eating foods that contain a mixture of protein, fats, and carbs when drinking helps increase the rate of alcohol elimination . Whether it's a full meal or heavy hors d'oeuvres, thoughtful noshes are necessary. The bottom line is, however you do it, hosting the ultimate wine tasting should be fun. Wine can feel intimidating to many people, but most wine experts are passionate, inspired folks who want to share what they know and help you find wines you like. So visit your local wine store or winemaker and ask questions. There are good guides specifically concerning how to taste wine. Dig a little, taste a lot, and have fun. It's all research for your next ultimate wine tasting. Story editing by Carren Jao. Additional editing by Kelly Glass. Copy editing by Kristen Wegrzyn. Photo selection by Lacy Kerrick. This story originally appeared on Peerspace and was produced and distributed in partnership with Stacker Studio. Picking a theme is essential to curating the selection of wines—it's the organizing principle behind your selections. Otherwise, your tasting might as well be just walking down the wine aisle at the grocery store and taking sips from random bottles. There's too much wine out there not to be strategic about this. Plus, a theme helps you to tell the story of each wine better—it's the plot line of the night, if you will. Common themes are types of wine, regions they are from, or even price points—really, one can get as creative as they wish. For inspiration, check out local wine shops and see what they do for tastings. Often, they will follow seasonality and group wines in novel ways for their own in-house tastings. Get local news delivered to your inbox!The 1% Club's latest episode had viewers furrowing their brows in bewilderment, particularly over a puzzling question that ignited discussions across social media. Lee Mack, the ITV show's host, challenged the contestants with a teaser: "Which of these groups of six symbols are in the same order whether you read them from left to right or from right to left? " offering five potential answers. But as the audience tuned in, many were adamant that the answer announced as correct, 'C', was erroneous, arguing fervently that 'A' was the actual solution. Twitter became the platform for their confusion and dissent. One perplexed viewer tweeted: "Baffled! I didn't understand this one at all," while another sought clarity, posting: "Can someone please explain how it's C? " A third insisted: "I said A and I still think A. I don't understand how it's not." Read more Flog It! star sparks concern after being bedbound in hospital for five weeks The debate continued with another tweet stating: "This is a trick question, A or C could be correct depending on the definition of right to left used," and an attempt to clarify came from a fan explaining: "Because it's how you read it. I thought it was A, too, but it starts as a Closed bracket, whereas C starts the same as the end. I hope that explains it." The question had fans perplexed (Image: ITV) Puzzle fans dived into a heated discussion, with one clarifying: "It's not about being mirrored; it's about what symbol is what. So A would be (from L-R): left bracket, right bracket, left bracket etc, but R-L it would be; right bracket, left bracket etc. which is difference. Whereas C is left arrow-right arrow-right arrow etc from both ends! " In the latest episode, four lucky contestants walked away splitting £97,000 after nailing the final question, leaving host Lee ecstatic for the winning group, as only two contestants missed out on the grand prize by giving wrong answers, reports the Mirror .

The ambitious goal of making Jammu and Kashmir Tuberculosis (TB) free by the end of 2025, as outlined by the Chief Secretary during a recent meeting, reflects a robust commitment to public health under the PM TB Mukt Bharat Abhiyan. With TB being one of the world’s deadliest infectious diseases, claiming millions of lives annually, this goal aligns with India’s larger objective of eradicating the disease nationwide. However, achieving this vision requires a multidimensional approach that addresses detection, treatment, awareness, and community involvement. J&K currently has a TB-affected population of approximately 11,650 individuals who are receiving free treatment across various healthcare facilities. While districts like Anantnag, Budgam, and Pulwama have already been declared ‘TB Free,’ others like Baramulla, Srinagar, and Kupwara are in the process of obtaining this certification. This progress is commendable but also underscores the immense challenge that lies ahead. The disease thrives on poor socio-economic conditions, lack of awareness, and delayed diagnosis, which necessitates a robust and comprehensive strategy. The fact that 463,872 presumptive tests have been conducted this year, achieving a testing rate of 3,047 per lakh of the population, is proof of the focused efforts of the administration. However, with 1,516 out of 4,243 Panchayats declared TB-free, the path to achieving complete elimination remains steep and calls for relentless efforts. One of the critical pillars in combating TB is the early detection of cases. The emphasis on contact tracing and intensive sampling, as highlighted in the meeting, is pivotal. TB is highly contagious, and undetected cases can lead to widespread transmission within communities. The ongoing ‘100-Days TB Campaign’ aims to expedite case detection in vulnerable populations, targeting high-priority districts like Jammu, Srinagar, and Baramulla. To further bolster detection efforts, leveraging technology and innovative diagnostic tools should be a priority. Mobile diagnostic units, expanded access to rapid molecular tests, and integrating TB testing in routine health check-ups at Health and Wellness Centres and Ayushman Aarogya Mandirs can bridge the gap in early diagnosis. While free treatment is already being provided, adherence to the prescribed regimen remains a significant hurdle. The administration’s initiative of providing Rs 1,000 monthly under the Nikshay Poshan Yojana, along with food baskets through Nikshay Mitras, is a commendable step toward ensuring nutritional support for patients. However, effective counselling, regular follow-ups, and community support are equally essential to keep patients on track with their treatment. Utilising ASHA workers, women SHGs under JKRLM, and other rural institutions to identify and support TB patients can be a critical component of the strategy. These grassroots organisations serve as vital conduits to reach the most vulnerable populations, raising awareness, collecting samples, and ensuring treatment compliance. Moreover, community involvement reduces the stigma associated with TB, encouraging more people to come forward for testing and treatment. The role of Nikshay Mitras deserves special mention. The voluntary adoption of TB patients by 5,406 Nikshay Mitras in J&K, providing food baskets and emotional support, is a model that should be further expanded. Engaging local influencers, religious leaders, and educators can amplify the campaign’s reach and impact. Awareness campaigns remain the backbone of any disease eradication program. The directive to send bulk messages to the families of TB patients, as suggested by the Chief Secretary, is a step in the right direction. Authorities must use both traditional and digital platforms to disseminate information about symptoms, treatment availability, and the importance of timely diagnosis. Effective monitoring mechanisms are crucial to track progress and address bottlenecks. Regular audits of TB facilities should be institutionalised. Senior officers’ visits to healthcare centres can ensure accountability, identify gaps, and provide on-ground support. TB-free J&K by 2025 is a mission that demands unwavering commitment, innovative strategies, and a united front. The success will ultimately depend on sustained efforts, adequate funding, and an adaptive approach to emerging challenges. The ‘100-Days TB Campaign’ and the ongoing activities must serve as catalysts to accelerate progress.Luigi Mangione’s arrest thrust his family into the spotlight. Who are the Mangiones of Baltimore?

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